By Dan Agbese
Pundits would be tempted to judge the National
Conference by its sticky end over derivation. Oh yes, again. That would
be both fair and unfair. Yes, controversy over the same issue abruptly
ended the National Political Reform Conference in 2005. Yes, it was not
unreasonable to expect that the same issue would not drag this
conference down. Even in politics, there is something called growing up.
And yes, I can hear the unreconstructed cynics who warned all along
that the only achievement of the conference would be to burn a hole in
our national purse chant: 'We told you so.'
But no, this
controversy does not define the work of the conference. To start with,
the conduct of the conference was a big surprise. There were no fire
works and no walkouts. Meaning, there was greater maturity at this
conference than at its predecessor in 2005. Yes, something worth crowing
about in an atomistic nation of atomistic tribes in permanent conflict
with one another.
It would be fair to admit that the way and
manner the conference was convened raised issues and doubts about it as
well as the intention of its convener. For starters, the convener was a
sudden convert to a national dialogue, sovereign or non-sovereign.
Sudden conversions are not in themselves bad. St Paul, the former Saul,
was a sudden convert to the teachings of the Nazarene. He went on to
found the Christian religion in the mighty name of Jesus. Still, the
president's sudden conversion and the timing of the conference all led
to only one conclusion: the man merely wanted to throw the bones at the
dogs; while they nibble and fight over, he is free to oil his guns for
his continued tenancy in Aso Rock.
Given the way the conference
was conducted and the issues it addressed through its committees and
agreed to in the plenary, I did not expect the conference to end on this
rather sour note and once again throw up derivation as perhaps the
gravest national problem facing us today. I think the decision of the
conference to refer this and the proposal for a national intervention
fund for the rehabilitation and reconstruction of areas devastated by
the Boko Haram insurgency to the president was a cop out. The conference
was better placed than its recommended technical committee to resolve
these issues - one old, the other new.
Ohaneze is so far the only
ethnic body to take issues with the intervention fund. It has promptly
submitted a N2.6 trillion bill to the Nigerian nation for the
rehabilitation and reconstruction of the five South-Eastern states and
Anioma in Delta State. It argues that if there is merit in setting up an
intervention fund for the rehabilitation and the reconstruction of the
theatres of the Boko Haram insurgency, it is only fair to extend the
same thing to the Igbo areas that were also theatres of the Nigerian
civil war. Counting the chickens before they are hatched is not as
foolish as you might think.
However the pundits would judge this
conference, it would be fair to agree that by and large, it went further
than the political reform conference in dealing with the burning issues
that have become lice in the lock of our national progress. Some of its
decisions, if they make it to amendments of our constitution, might not
entirely lead to returning our country to a federation in name and in
fact but they would help in freeing our country from this anomaly of a
federal-unitary system.
I refer, in this regard, to two of its
decisions that I find eminently sensible. One, state police. The
conference punctured the silly argument that Nigeria is not ripe for a
state police. It is. It has recommended that the states be allowed to
set up, fund and maintain their respective police force. Attempting to
police this vast conference with a 290,000 federal police force is an
obvious joke. If state governors are the chief security officers of
their states, then they should have the means to carry out this vital
function.
Two, the conference agreed that the local governments
should be the full responsibilities of the states. Nowhere in the world
are local governments the responsibilities of central governments; not
even in a unitary system of government. Several local government reforms
by the generals left us with this anomalous federal structure with
three tiers of government, all feeding from the national trough. The
nation shoulders this burden at the expense of development.
In the
present unhealthy structure, the local government councils replicate
the structure of government at the centre and in the states. Each
council is made up of an executive headed by the local government
chairman and a vice-chairman with supervisory councillors. The council
chairman chairs his executive council just like the president and the
state governors. There is also a legislature, headed by the speaker
assisted by a deputy speaker. What is missing in the local government
set up is the judiciary and a chief judge. Oh yes, the wife of a local
government chairman is the first lady of the local government area too.
Don't laugh.
I welcome these and other progressive decisions
intended to make us see our way through the dark maze of our bastardised
federalism. But I am not in a rush to drink to the conference. It may,
as it seems, submit a sensible report but that is how far it can go. The
fate of its report lies in the hands of the convener of the conference.
If, as it has been suspected all along, the president has a different
agenda, then there is no prize for guessing where the report would be
found by future historians.
So, let us pray: Father, rebabababa
shekekeke. I declare that the report of this conference shall not gather
dust. I declare that the N7 billion spent on it did not go down the
drain. It went into the pockets of fellow Nigerians. Rekekeke shekekeke.
I come against all principalities that would prevent the decisions of
the conference from making it into constitutional amendments. I declare
that the 18 states recommended by the conference shall be created.
Shekekeke. Thank you father, for in the mighty name of Jesus I have
prayed .
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